Germany has several public radio and TV stations, the most prominent ones being the national ARD and ZDF TV channels.
These channels have a above-average reputation in regard to news and reports about political topics (albeit both are well-known for having mostly entertainment content for the 50+ years audience).
These public stations have a special contract with the state and every owner of a TV set or radio in Germany has to pay a fee for its use - which ends up in the budgets of these public broadcasting stations.
The control over these stations is in the hand of certain powers in the society; effectively in the hand of parties and religions, although the supervisory boards are supposed to be politically neutral.
The birth of this politically balanced and at times neutral public broadcasting system was difficult; the Adenauer government (conservatives) originally wanted to set up what would have amounted to a government-run broadcasting station. That political battle happened decades ago, of course.
The history showed that the public broadcasting was mostly balanced and often outright neutral, albeit not very receptive to 'new', not yet established political movements.
I'd rate these stations as "acceptable" to "good" in regard to political coverage and as an embarrassing waste of money in regard to entertainment.
Enough background and introduction. The topic for today is that a state (Hesse) prime minister Roland Koch, CDU (conservatives) has stepped over the line. Attempts to exercise political influence on the public broadcasting stations has been common at low level, but Koch dared to work against a well-reputed politically neutral editor in chief of the ZDF, Nikolaus Brender.
He has obviously crossed the Rubicon with this attempt (which only adds to his long list of unacceptable actions that should disqualify him for any political office anyway).
Journalists of the ZDF addressed the chairman of the ZDF with an open letter back in February.
Yet, that was just one open letter.
Another, more important open letter comes from 35 law professors:
They did basically diagnose an illegal exercise of influence by Koch if his actions suffice to prevent an extension of Brender's contract. They did also point out the long-existing concerns about how the supervisory board members are selected and they refer to our constitution's article 5, which is one of the top 20 articles that define the basic structure of our state and society.
The decision about Brender's contract extension will happen on 27th November.
German conservatives seem to test the limit for the infringement of press freedom quite often. Many scandals since the 60's tell about this, and in the end the result was almost always he same: The conservative politicians failed with a bloody nose. The society's preference for a free press and its readiness to defend the press are too strong.
The current conservative-liberal coalition has agreed to add more safeguards for the protection of journalists - there's little room for speculation about which coalition partner insisted on this.
Sven Ortmann
.
These channels have a above-average reputation in regard to news and reports about political topics (albeit both are well-known for having mostly entertainment content for the 50+ years audience).
These public stations have a special contract with the state and every owner of a TV set or radio in Germany has to pay a fee for its use - which ends up in the budgets of these public broadcasting stations.
The control over these stations is in the hand of certain powers in the society; effectively in the hand of parties and religions, although the supervisory boards are supposed to be politically neutral.
The birth of this politically balanced and at times neutral public broadcasting system was difficult; the Adenauer government (conservatives) originally wanted to set up what would have amounted to a government-run broadcasting station. That political battle happened decades ago, of course.
The history showed that the public broadcasting was mostly balanced and often outright neutral, albeit not very receptive to 'new', not yet established political movements.
I'd rate these stations as "acceptable" to "good" in regard to political coverage and as an embarrassing waste of money in regard to entertainment.
- - - - -
Enough background and introduction. The topic for today is that a state (Hesse) prime minister Roland Koch, CDU (conservatives) has stepped over the line. Attempts to exercise political influence on the public broadcasting stations has been common at low level, but Koch dared to work against a well-reputed politically neutral editor in chief of the ZDF, Nikolaus Brender.
He has obviously crossed the Rubicon with this attempt (which only adds to his long list of unacceptable actions that should disqualify him for any political office anyway).
Journalists of the ZDF addressed the chairman of the ZDF with an open letter back in February.
Yet, that was just one open letter.
Another, more important open letter comes from 35 law professors:
Der Fall Brender – ein Prüfstein für die Rundfunkfreiheit
Offener Brief von 35 deutschen Staatsrechtslehrern
Art. 5 Abs. 1 Satz 2 GG garantiert die Rundfunkfreiheit. Sie ist eine wichtige Säule unseres demokratischen Staatswesens. An dieser Säule wird gerade gesägt, und zwar von einigen Mitgliedern des Verwaltungsrats beim ZDF. Nikolaus Brender soll keine oder eine unüblich kurze Vertragsverlängerung als Chefredakteur erhalten, angeblich weil die Quoten im Informationssegment nicht stimmen.
Um diese Frage aber geht es in Wahrheit nicht. Es geht schlicht darum, wer das Sagen, wer die Macht hat beim ZDF. Es handelt sich um den offenkundigen Versuch, einen unabhängigen Journalisten zu verdrängen und den Einfluss der Parteipolitik zu stärken. Damit wird die Angelegenheit zum Verfassungsrechtsfall und deshalb mischen wir uns ein.
Art. 5 Abs. 1 GG garantiert die Staatsfreiheit des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks. Auch wenn das gebührenfinanzierte ZDF formal dem Bereich öffentlicher Institutionen zuzurechnen ist, bedeutet Staatsfreiheit, dass der Staat inhaltlich auf seine Arbeit keinen beherrschenden Einfluss ausüben darf. Was geschieht, wenn es die Garantie der Staatsfreiheit nicht gibt, wird uns derzeit am Beispiel anderer europäischer Staaten vor Augen geführt. Zur Garantie der Staatsfreiheit gehört auch eine Begrenzung der Stimmenanteile der staatlichen Vertreter in den Aufsichtsgremien, also auch im Verwaltungsrat. Nun diskutieren Rundfunkrechtler schon lange darüber, ob die im ZDF-Staatsvertrag vorgesehene Machtverteilung zwischen staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Vertretern mit Art. 5 Abs. 1 GG vereinbar ist. Insbesondere geht es um die Zuordnung der Parteienvertreter und der von den Ministerpräsidenten ausgewählten Vertreter zur staatlichen Ebene. Sollte sich herausstellen, dass letztlich ein Ministerpräsident als Meinungsführer stark genug ist, um einen bestimmten Chefredakteur zu verhindern, so würde dies einen praktischen Beleg dafür liefern, dass die zum Teil geäußerten verfassungsrechtlichen Bedenken gegenüber der Zusammensetzung des Gremiums nicht unbegründet sind. Der Eindruck läge nahe, dass über die Instrumente von staatlicher Einflussnahme und Parteizugehörigkeit politische Mehrheiten in den Aufsichtsgremien organisiert werden. Genau dies will der Grundsatz der Staatsfreiheit verhindern. Staatsfreiheit heißt, dass sich Mehrheiten im Sinne einer autonomen Ausübung der Rundfunkfreiheit nach Sachgesichtspunkten zusammenfinden.
Wir appellieren dringend an die Vernunft und die Sachkompetenz aller Vertreter im Verwaltungsrat. Beteiligen Sie sich nicht an der beabsichtigten staatlichen Einflussnahme auf die Wahl des Chefredakteurs. Qualitätsvoller und unabhängiger Journalismus liegt im Interesse aller.
Unterzeichnende (in alphabetischer Reihenfolge):
Prof. Dr. Hans Herbert von Arnim, Deutsche Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften Speyer
Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Ulrich Battis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
Prof. Dr. Dieter Birk, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster
Prof. Dr. Pascale Cancik, Universität Osnabrück
Prof. Dr. Matthias Cornils, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
Prof. Dr. Dieter Dörr, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
Prof. Dr. Udo Fink, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
Prof. Dr. Andreas Fischer-Lescano, Universität Bremen
Prof. Dr. Dr. Günter Frankenberg, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Prof. Dr. Hubertus Gersdorf, Universität Rostock
Prof. Dr. Thomas Groß, Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen
Prof. Dr. Timo Hebeler, Universität Potsdam
Prof. Dr. Bernd Holznagel, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster
Prof. Dr. Friedhelm Hufen, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
Prof. Dr. Stefan Kadelbach, LL.M., Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Prof. Dr. Thorsten Kingreen, Universität Regensburg
Prof. Dr. Jürgen Kühling, LL.M., Universität Regensburg
Prof. Dr. Franz Mayer, LL.M. (Yale), Universität Bielefeld
Prof. Dr. Andreas Musil, Universität Potsdam
Prof. Dr. Andreas L. Paulus, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Franz-Joseph Peine, Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt/Oder
Prof. Dr. Ulrich K. Preuß, Hertie School of Governance Berlin
Prof. Dr. Stephan Rixen, Universität Kassel
Prof. Dr. Ute Sacksofsky, M.P.A. (Harvard), Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Prof. Dr. Arndt Schmehl, Universität Hamburg
Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Hans-Peter Schneider, Universität Hannover
PD Dr. Wolfgang Schulz, Universität Hamburg, Hans-Bredow-Institut
Prof. Dr. Indra Spiecker genannt Döhmann, LL.M. (Georgetown), Universität Karlsruhe
Prof. Dr. Robert Uerpmann-Wittzack, maitre en droit, Universität Regensburg
Prof. Dr. Thomas Vesting, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
Prof. Dr. Astrid Wallrabenstein, Universität Bielefeld
Prof. Dr. Christian Walter, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster
Prof. Dr. Joachim Wieland, LL.M., Deutsche Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften Speyer
Prof. Dr. Hinnerk Wißmann, Universität Bayreuth
Prof. Dr. Andreas Zimmermann, LL.M. (Harvard), Universität Potsdam
They did basically diagnose an illegal exercise of influence by Koch if his actions suffice to prevent an extension of Brender's contract. They did also point out the long-existing concerns about how the supervisory board members are selected and they refer to our constitution's article 5, which is one of the top 20 articles that define the basic structure of our state and society.
The decision about Brender's contract extension will happen on 27th November.
German conservatives seem to test the limit for the infringement of press freedom quite often. Many scandals since the 60's tell about this, and in the end the result was almost always he same: The conservative politicians failed with a bloody nose. The society's preference for a free press and its readiness to defend the press are too strong.
The current conservative-liberal coalition has agreed to add more safeguards for the protection of journalists - there's little room for speculation about which coalition partner insisted on this.
Sven Ortmann
.
Seen from Italy, this Roland Koch seems an absolute beginner… ha shall learn a couple of dirty tricks from our Prime Minister Berlusconi…
ReplyDeleteJoking aside: I appreciate very much German loyalty to rules, regulations and institutions.